Ben Gold
Infobox Person
name = Benjamin Gold
image_size =
caption =
birth_date = birth date|1898|9|8|mf=y
birth_place = Bessarabia, Russian Empire
death_date = death date and age|1985|07|24|1898|9|8|mf=y
death_place = North Miami Beach, Florida, United States
occupation = Labor leader
Fur operator
Manager, New York Furriers' Joint Board
Secretary-Treasurer, Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union
President, International Fur Workers Union (later the International Fur and Leather Workers Union)
spouse = Sadie Algus
children =
grandchildren =
Benjamin Gold (September 8, 1898[Fink, Gary M., ed. "Biographical Dictionary of American Labor." Westport, Ct.: Greenwood Press, 1984. ISBN 0313228655] –July 24, 1985) was an American labor leader and communist. He was president of the International Fur and Leather Workers Union from 1937 to 1955.]["Ben Gold." "New York Times." July 25, 1985.] ]Early life
Gold was born in September 1898 to Israel and Sarah (Droll) Gold, Jews living in Bessarabia, a province of the Russian Empire.[Foner, Philip S. "The Fur and Leather Workers Union: A Story of Dramatic Struggles and Achievements." Newark, N.J.: Nordan Press, 1950.] He attended Manhattan Preparatory School at night to complete his education, intending to go to law school.]The same year he joined the Furriers Union, the 14-year-old Gold was elected assistant shop chairman by his local union during the first furriers' strike in the United States.
Politically active, Gold joined the Socialist Party of America in 1916.
In 1919, at the age of 21, Gold was elected to the New York Furriers' Joint Board, a council of furriers' unions whose jurisdiction covered all of New York City.
Communism and early trade union career
Gold's adherence to communism and trade unionism intertwined to shape much of his career as a labor leader.
In 1924, Gold was suspended from the Furriers for engaging in dual unionism because of his activities on behalf of the Communist Party of America (with which the Communist Labor Party had merged in 1921).
1926 strike
In 1926, Gold led a massive furriers' strike in New York City. The Joint Board's contract with the city's furriers expired on January 31, 1926. Among the union's demands were a reduction in working hours to the five-day, 40-hour work week; union inspection of shops; a 25 percent wage increase; an employer contribution of 3 percent of each workers' salary to an unemployment insurance fund; a single paid holiday; and equal division of work among employees (to eliminate favoritism). The employer's association refused to negotiate over the work week, unemployment fund or equal division of work, but agreed to seek a settlement on the other terms if the union would withdraw the other three demands.[Foner, Philip S. "History of the Labor Movement in the United States. Vol. 10: The T.U.E.L., 1925-1929." New York: International Publishers, 1994. ISBN 071780691X] Led by Gold, the Joint Board was on the verge of doing so when IFWU President Oizer Shachtman accused the Joint Board of being infiltrated by communists.]The strike quickly turned violent. On February 19, New York City police attacked a picket line of striking workers and arrested 200 workers.
As the strike commenced, President Shachtman went into hiding, leaving Vice President Isidor Winnick to take over as Acting President.
Certain developments seemed to indicate an early end to the strike. On March 13, a New York state judge refused to grant the employers an injunction which would force an end to the strike. ["Court Scores Union, Denies Injunction." "New York Times." March 14, 1926.] In mid-April, the Eitingon-Schild Company, the wealthiest fur importer in the United States, broke with the employers' association to settle with the union. The company agreed to a five-day, 40-hour work week; equal division of work; no subcontracting; and a 10 percent wage increase.
But the strike continued despite this agreement. In early April, Hugh Frayne, an organizer with the American Federation of Labor (AFL), met with a moderate faction within the Joint Board.[Minton, Bruce. "Men Who Lead Labor." Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1969. ISBN 0836913094] But when the proposal was presented to the membership on April 15, they overwhelmingly rejected it. The AFL barred Gold from the meeting, but the membership chanted his name and nearly rioted until he was admitted to the hall.]In retaliation for Shachtman and Green's attempt to end-run the local leadership, and to increase pressure on the employers, Gold asked the Joint Board to initiate a drive for the 40-hour work week which would involve every union in the city. The Board agreed, and soon the New York State Federation of Labor, the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, the Teachers Union, the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union, and a number of other unions agreed to join the effort. ["Fur Strikers Stand On A 40-Hour Week." "New York Times." May 4, 1926; "Finish Fight Is Seen In Furriers' Strike." "New York Times." May 11, 1926; "Fur Union to Start 40-Hour Week Drive." "New York Times." May 14, 1926; "9,000 Fur Strikers Demand Short Week." "New York Times." May 20, 1926.] On May 22, 1926, a mass rally filled the newly-built Madison Square Garden, making it the largest labor meeting held in the city up to that time.
The Joint Board faced a crisis, however. By May 27, only $70 remained in the Joint Board's strike fund. Gold spoke at every union hall in the city within four days of the revelation of the fiscal crisis.
The fund-raising success of the union and the pressure from the 40-hour work week drive pushed the employers to agree to a new collective bargaining agreement. The manufacturers signaled their willingness to talk on May 26, but the union kept up its demand for the 40-hour week. ["Fur Peace Offer By Manufacturers." "New York Times." May 27, 1926; "Strikers Reject Fur Peace Terms." "New York Times." May 28, 1926.] A mediator was called in, and a new contract reached on June 11, 1926. The contract provided for the 40-hour, five-day work week; an end to overtime from December through August; time-and-a-half overtime pay for half-days from September to November; a 10 percent wage increase; 10 paid holidays; and a ban on subcontracting.
AFL investigation
Gold's success in leading the 1926 furrier workers' strike was short-lived. On July 19, 1926, President Green sent a letter to Gold demanding that the Joint Board turn over all books, papers, ledgers and materials related to the conduct of the strike.
On March 17, 1927, Gold and 10 other leaders of the Joint Board were arrested for allegedly breaking into a furrier's shop near Mineola, New York, during the 1926 strike.
The AFL also accused Gold of allegedly bribing police officers to give the union favorable treatment during the 1926 strike.
1927 strike
The IFWU, meanwhile, organized a new "Joint Council" to replace the Joint Board. On March 2, 1927, the Joint Council announced it was the true collective bargaining agent for all New York City fur workers, that it alone administered their union contracts, and that they must become members of the Joint Council or be fired by their employers.
Although Gold was on trial for assault and bribery, he led the Joint Board in a counter-organizing campaign against the AFL-dominated Joint Council. He personally led mass pickets and protests in the fur district of New York City in late March 1927. ["Fur Workers Riot." "New York Times." March 23, 1927; "Parley Fails to End Warfare of Unions." "New York Times." March 25, 1927.] The AFL attempted to undercut the Joint Board by releasing statements that the Gold-led union was seeking a "peace treaty" with the Joint Council, while accusing the Joint Board of coercing workers into joining.
Gold began threatening a new strike to force the employers to honor the terms of the 1926 contract and win recognition of the Joint Board again. The AFL accused the Joint Board of being a communist front, and pleaded for the public to withdraw support for it. ["Warns of 'Red' Request." "New York Times." May 28, 1927.] In confidential talks with the New York City police, the AFL conceded that Gold's union had the support of the workers and that the only way to defeat the "Red-led" union was a massive show of police force which would intimidate the strikers. Mass arrests and heavy fines, coupled with long jail terms, would bankrupt the Joint Board and terrify the protesters, AFL officials and staff told the police.
But by mid-July 1927, the AFL's claims were proven to be false. The Joint Council lost most of its support, and the Gold-led Joint Board received recognition by companies employing a majority of workers in the fur district.
Creation of a new union
As the Joint Board sought to re-establish itself in New York City during the June-July 1927 strike, the IFWU moved against Gold in yet another way.
President Shachtman issued a call for the biennial convention of the IFWU to be held in the Executive Council chamber at the AFL Building in Washington, D.C., on July 13, 1927. The union's constitution required the convention to be held in May, but AFL leaders (including the influential Executive Council member, Matthew Woll) demanded that Shachtman delay the meeting until such time as he could guarantee that a large majority of delegates would be pro-AFL.
Nonetheless, Gold and 35 other delegates from New York City appeared at the convention and demanded to be recognized. The Credentials Committee refused to seat them, even though the Joint Board represented about 85 percent of the total IFWU membership.
These efforts to undercut Gold and the Joint Board also failed. Several IFWU locals outside New York City passed resolutions criticizing the International Union's actions, and worker support for the Joint Council dwindled even further.
In the summer and fall of 1928, Gold began building support for a new international union of fur workers. He met with the leaders of eight non-New York City fur workers' locals as well as a left-wing group of fur workers who were attempting to disaffiliate from what remained of the Joint Council.["Hyman Heads New Union." "New York Times." January 3, 1929.] and Ben Gold was elected Secretary-Treasurer.]Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union
ecretary-Treasurer
As chief strategist as well as secretary-treasurer for the Needle Trades Workers Industrial Union (NTWIU), Ben Gold pursued an aggressive and militant policy of collective bargaining. The formation of the union was inauspicious: Within the year the Great Depression began, leading to thousands of layoffs in the fur industry and strong downward pressure on wages. But even as early as February 1929, as the economy slid toward depression, Hyman and Gold were announcing a series of strikes designed to raise wages.["Fur Workers Defy Green, Accept Reds." "New York Times." June 21, 1935.] ]As the internecine union struggles continued, Gold led strikes in both the garment and fur industries. Sporadic violence also broke out during these events. ["20,000 Go On Strike In Dress Industry." "New York Times." February 17, 1932.] More than 3,500 union members struck for shorter working hours and higher wages on June 17, 1931, collective bargaining goals which were considered madness by nearly all labor leaders.
Battles with the AFL-led Joint Council continued to occupy much of Gold's time. The stridently anti-communist labor leader, Matthew Woll, had been placed in charge of a three-person committee of AFL Executive Council members charged with assisting the IFWU and breaking the NTWIU. Woll and the two other council members funneled funds and staff into the IFWU and assisted the IFWU in strategizing ways to win back the loyalty of the majority of fur workers in New York City.
When the Communist Party formed the Trade Union Unity League in late August 1929, Gold affiliated the NTWIU with the umbrella labor group. The League was shuttered in 1935 when the Communist Party abandoned its strategy of dual unionism and "boring from within" in favor of the Popular Front. [Devinatz, Victor G. "Trade Unions As Instruments of Social Change: Does Ideology Matter?" "WorkingUSA." 10:4 (January 2007); Devinatz, Victor G. "A Reevaluation of the Trade Union Unity League, 1929-1934." "Science & Society." 71:11 (November 2007); Johanningsmeier Edward P. "The Trade Union Unity League: American Communists and the Transition to Industrial Unionism: 1928-1934." "Labor History." 42:2 (May 2001).]
Gold also worked hard to integrate the NTWIU. While other unions actively discriminated against African Americans and other minorities or ignored the issue of race,[Zieger, Robert. "The CIO, 1935-1955." Reprint ed. Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1997. ISBN 0807846309] Gold encouraged a bottom-up attack on racism. He actively involved members in "trials" of union members who had used racist language or engaged in discriminatory behavior, and his efforts were largely successful in weeding racism out of the union. [Solomon, Mark. "The Cry Was Unity: Communists and African Americans, 1917-36." Paperback ed. Jackson, Miss.: University Press of Mississippi, 1998. ISBN 1578060958] ]Meanwhile, Gold also was heavily involved in writing the "Fur Code."
In late 1933, Gold served a brief prison sentence after having been arrested for participating in a hunger march in Wilmington, Delaware. Hunger marches had been occurring throughout the United States since 1931.[Edsforth, Ronald. "The New Deal: America's Response to the Great Depression." New ed. Hoboken, N.J.: Wiley-Blackwell, 2000. ISBN 1577181433] Catholic social activist Dorothy Day herself encouraged Gold to participate in a march from New York City to Washington, D.C. [Day, Dorothy. "House of Hospitality." New York: Sheed and Ward, 1939.] Gold was one of 315 marchers who left New York City on November 29, 1932, bound for Washington. The marchers reached Wilmington on December 2, their number having increased by several hundred. Their permit to march in the city was withdrawn. That night, the police herded most of the marchers into a warehouse downtown, but Gold, most of the women and most of the marchers from New England stayed in a rented church two blocks away. That night, the marchers at the church were refused permission to hold a meeting in the street, so they held it on the church steps. When the police tried to stop the meeting, the marchers resisted. The police began beating the people listening to the speaker, and the marchers fled into the church and barricaded the doors. The police fired tear gas through the windows of the building, then broke down the doors and entered the building with weapons drawn. The marchers resisted by hurling chairs at the police, but were beaten and gassed repeatedly until subdued. Twenty-three marchers, including Gold, were arrested. Four police and three marchers were hospitalized. Gold was convicted of incitement to riot, and served a brief prison term in Wilmington in late 1933 and early 1934.]Gold's battles with the AFL also continued in 1934. Joint Board and Joint Council supporters fought with fists, bricks and clubs in January 1934. ["Rival Fur Groups Battle in 7th Av." "New York Times." January 17, 1934.] But the AFL group continued to shrink as the Great Depression worsened, and IFWU leaders feared for the survival of their union.
In 1934 and 1935, Gold led the garment and fur workers in two successful strikes which propelled his union into a merger with the IFWU. The first was week-long strike by 4,000 fur workers in late August 1934, which led to additional wage increases and stricter enforcement of contract provisions. ["Fur Workers' Strike Puzzles Mediators." "New York Times." August 30, 1934; "Fur Strike Settle, Union Is Recognized." "New York Times." September 5, 1934.] The second was a strike by 10,000 garment workers in April 1935 which led to a contract guaranteeing a minimum weekly wage. ["10,000 End Dispute Over Dress Wages." "New York Times." April 14, 1935.]
Merger with IFWU
The success of the NTWIU and particularly Gold's aggressive leadership of the union's fur workers division significantly undermined support for the AFL-supported IFWU. Gold asserted in August 1934 that the IFWU was in financial trouble and had too few members to ensure viability, but the IFWU denied his claims.
At the IFWU convention in Toronto, Canada, the week of May 19, 1935, delegates voted to establish a Unity Committee whose charge was to seek and win immediate merger with the NTWIU.
The merger convention opened on June 20, 1935, at the Manhattan Opera House.
Under an agreement reached by the merger conventions, leadership elections for the New York City locals of the merged IFWU took place 40 days later.
Business manager once again
Gold was business manager of the New York City Joint Council for two years. Since the IFWU had just held its biennial convention in May 1935, new elections for officers of the international union could not be held until 1937.
The contracts controlled by the Joint Council expired on February 1, 1936. Gold faced a difficult task: In just six months, he had to rebuild the locals which had remained with the IFWU while preparing the union for a strike in the depths of a depression. A strike was authorized on January 18, but Gold quickly accepted the services of an impartial mediator to assist with the negotiations. ["Furriers Vote Strike." "New York Times." January 18, 1936; "Seeks Peace in Fur Trade." "New York Times." January 30, 1936.] In the final few days of January, Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia intervened and heard presentations from both sides. ["Strike Conferences Enter the 'Last Day'." "New York Times." January 31, 1936.] The intervention by government officials worked, and a new contract reached on February 1. ["Accord Is Reached in the Fur Industry." "New York Times." February 2, 1936.]
Gold also led a number of organizing drives among fur and garment workers in New York City, so that by May 1937 the union had nearly 35,000 members.[Galenson, Walter. "The CIO Challenge to the AFL: A History of the American Labor Movement." Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960. ISBN 0674131509] Continuing a campaign he began in 1927, Gold also purged the union's locals of organized crime influence. ["Gurrah Is Named As Racket Leader." "New York Times." October 30, 1936; "Lepke and Gurrah Get 2-Year Terms." "New York Times." November 13, 1936; Brodkin, Karen. "How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says About Race in America." New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1999. ISBN 081352590X] ]Antitrust prosecution
On November 6, 1933, Gold and about 80 other individuals were indicted for violations of federal antitrust law. Former IFWU presidents Morris Kaufman and Pietro Lucchi, the IFWU itself, several of IFWU locals and local leaders, as well as 68 employers and several organized crime figures were also included in the indictment. ["80 Indicted Here in Huge Fur 'Trust'." "New York Times." November 7, 1933.] The indictment alleged that Louis "Lepke" Buchalter and Jacob "Gurrah" Shapiro—co-founders of the infamous Murder, Inc. murder-for-hire organization—formed a group of employers known as the "Fur Dressers Factor Corporation" to fix prices and eliminate competition.[Block, Alan A. "East Side-West Side: Organizing Crime in New York 1930-1950." Paperback ed. New York: Transaction Publishers, 1983. ISBN 0878559310; Kavieff, Paul R. "The Life and Times of Lepke Buchalter: America's Most Ruthless Labor Racketeer." Ft. Lee, N.J.: Barricade Books, 2006. ISBN 1569802912; Fried, Albert. "The Rise and Fall of the Jewish Gangster in America." New York: Columbia University Press, 1994. ISBN 0231096836; Horne, Gerald. "Class Struggle in Hollywood, 1930-1950: Moguls, Mobsters." Paperback ed. Austin, Tex.: University of Texas Press, 2001. ISBN 0292731388.] The employers allegedly paid higher wages to unions which agreed to participate in the scheme by striking uncooperative businesses, and Buchalter and Shapiro provided the muscle to force other furriers out of the business (which included bombings, acid throwing, kidnapping, arson and more).]After several defendants were granted their own separate trials and charges against others dropped, the court reached its verdict on December 16, 1937. Gold was convicted of violating the Sherman Antitrust Act and sentenced to one year in prison. It was the first conviction of a labor union official or labor union under the Sherman Act.["Six Are Convicted in Fur Racket Case." "New York Times." December 17, 1937.] After the convictions, the government undertook additional investigations against the IFWU and now-defunct NTWIU for violations of the Sherman Act. ["U.S. Sifts Charge Fur Union Bars Collective Pact." "New York Times." August 11, 1938.] ]But Gold and his union co-defendants appealed their convictions, and on December 19, 1938, the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit overturned the convictions of all but three union officials. Gold's conviction was among those voided. ["Unions Win Trust Case." "New York Times." December 20, 1938.]
The government then reinstated charges in February 1940 against Gold, the NTWIU and 28 other labor leaders based on allegations not pursued in 1933. ["U.S. Starts Fur Trial On Old Amen Charges." "New York Times." February 21, 1940.] Charges against six labor leaders were dropped on March 20, 1940, and four others but Gold and 17 others were tried. ["Two Are Acquitted in Fur Racket Case." "New York Times." March 21, 1940; "Four Are Cleared in Fur Union Trial." "New York Times." March 16, 1940.] Despite one witness recanting most of his accusatory testimony on the witness stand, ["Accuser of Gold Recants in Court." "New York Times." March 14, 1940.] Gold and IFWU Vice President Irving Potash were convicted of these additional antitrust charges. ["Gold and 10 Others Guilty in Fur Case." "New York Times." April 14, 1940; "Gold and Potash Get 1-Year Terms." "New York Times." April 20, 1940.] As the union raised a $100,000 defense fund for Gold and Potash, ["Union to Levy Appeal Tax." "New York Times." May 10, 1940; "$100,000 for Union Appeal." "New York Times." May 23, 1940.] the government brought a fresh set of charges against Gold on May 17, 1940, accusing him of jury tampering during his first trial. ["Fur Union Leaders Indicted by U.S." "New York Times." May 15, 1940; "New Trial for Gold Is Set for June 17." "New York Times." May 18, 1940; "Coercion and Bribes Alleged in Fur Case." "New York Times." June 18, 1940; "Ben Gold Jury Locked Up." "New York Times." June 28, 1940; "Government Rests Case Against Gold." "New York Times." July 11, 1940.] As the jury deliberated Gold's fate, a group of employers sued Gold and the NTWIU for $3 million in damages under the Clayton Antitrust Act, ["Suit for $3,000,000 Charges Fur Plot." "New York Times." June 11, 1947.] and accusations of witness tampering were levied against Gold. ["Furrier Charges Threat." "New York Times." June 19, 1940.]
A mistrial occurred in the Gold jury tampering case on June 28, 1940, after the jury was unable to reach a verdict. ["Mistrial in Fur Case." "New York Times." June 29, 1940.]
Gold's second jury tampering trial (which now included the witness tampering charge) began on July 1, 1940. ["3rd Gold Trial On Today." "New York Times." July 2, 1940; "Government Rests Case Against Gold." "New York Times." July 11, 1940.] Gold and his three co-defendants were acquitted on July 11, 1940. ["Gold Is Acquitted In Jury Plot Trial." "New York Times." July 12, 1940.]
Meanwhile, Gold's appeal on the second set of Sherman Antitrust Act violations was winding its way through the courts. ["Union Men's Appeal Heard." "New York Times." October 10, 1940.] On May 27, 1940, the Supreme Court of the United States issued its ruling in "Apex Hosiery Co. v. Leader" 310 U.S. 469 (1940). In that case, a union had engaged in a sit-down strike which shuttered a hosiery company's operations and prevented it from fulfilling its interstate contracts. The union was indicted and convicted for violating the Sherman Antitrust Act. But the Supreme Court disagreed:
The mere fact that strikes or agreements not to work, entered into by laborers to compel employers to yield to their demands, may restrict the power of such employers to compete in the market with those not subject to such demands does not bring the agreement within the condemnation of the Sherman Act. ["Apex Hosiery Co. v. Leader," 310 U.S. 469, 503.]
Following the reasoning laid down by the Supreme Court in "Apex Hosiery," the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit once more voided the antitrust convictions imposed on Gold and the others in the case. ["Convictions Voided in Fur Racket Case." "New York Times." November 5, 1940.] The government declined to prosecute Gold further.Presidency
Gold was elected president of the International Fur Workers Union in May 1937.["'The Time Has Come'." "Time." May 26, 1947.] ]CIO affiliation did not, however, protect the IFWU or Gold from political attacks. John L. Lewis, then the president of the CIO, was a strong anti-communist. In late January 1938, Lewis publicly announced that he would pursue a policy barring communists from membership in the CIO. Moderates within the IFWU denounced Gold for using "Hitler methods" to retain power, and pleaded with Lewis to intervene. ["Reds Not Excluded by C.I.o. Units Here." "New York Times." February 3, 1938; "Fur Union Faction Appeals to Lewis." "New York Times." July 29, 1938.] In May 1938, the U.S. House of Representatives established the House Committee Investigating Un-American Activities as a successor to the Special Committee on Un-American Activities (which had spent the last three years investigating Nazi Germany's attempts to influence American public opinion).[Goodman, Walter. "The Committee: The Extraordinary Career of the House Committee on Un-American Activities." New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1968.] Rep. Martin Dies, Jr. was named chair of the committee, and charged with continuing the investigations into Nazi propaganda and initiating new investigations into the activities of the Ku Klux Klan. When committee members voiced support for the Klan and ignored the Nazi threat, Dies concentrated the committee's work on communist infiltration of the labor movement.]Gold continued to pursue an aggressive collective bargaining policy until the beginning of World War II. Within weeks of taking over as president, he authorized a sympathy strike of 13,000 fur workers in New York City to support striking fur workers in Canada. ["13,000 Furriers Authorize a Stoppage In Sympathy Movement to Aid Strikers." "New York Times." June 5, 1937.] The protests, rallies and spot strikes continued as Gold pushed to organize the remaining fur shops in New York City. Signed contracts were reached with newly-organized employers in July 1937. ["Fur Union Seeks $100,000." "New York Times." June 10, 1937; "Fur Workers in Protest." "New York Times." June 29, 1937; "Fur Union Wins Contract." "New York Times." July 7, 1937.]
Employers, however, often fought back, and in the spring of 1938 a lengthy strike nearly ended in defeat for the union. The U.S. economy had risen to its pre-depression levels by the spring of 1937, but a strong recession began in late summer (triggered in part by large reductions in federal spending, higher bank reserve requirements, and reductions in disposable income brought about by implementation of the Social Security Act). [Meltzer, Allan H. "History of the Federal Reserve: 1913-1951, Vol. 1." Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004. ISBN 0226520005; Roose, Kenneth D. "The Recession of 1937-38." "Journal of Political Economy." June 1948; Brinkley, Alan. "The End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War." Paperback ed. New York: Vintage Books, 1996. ISBN 0679753141; Temin, Peter. "Lessons from the Great Depression." Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1991. ISBN 0262700441; Eggertsson, Gauti B. and Pugsley, Banjamin. "The Mistake of 1937: A General Equilibrium Analysis." "CFS Working Papers." November 2006.] Between August 1937 and May 1938, industrial production fell by 30 percent, the economy contracted by more than 6 percent, and unemployment rose from 5 million to over 9 million. [McJimsey, George T., ed. "Documentary History of the Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidency: Vol. 26: FDR's Response to Recession, 1937-1938." Bethesda, Md.: University Publications of America, 2003.] The steep recession led many employers to resist union demands.
Determined to expand the union, Gold merged the IFWU with the National Leather Workers' Association (NLWA). The IFWU had organized leather workers over the years but never concertedly. The NLWA was formed by four local unions in Massachusetts in 1933, and affiliated with the CIO in 1937. By 1939, however, the NLWA had only 14 locals (half of which actually functioned) and only 5,000 dues-paying members.[International Fur and Leather Workers Union of the United States and Canada. "Proceedings of the Convention." Washington, D.C.: International Fur and Leather Workers Union of the United States and Canada, 1942.] The two unions agreed to merge in March 1939.][Stepan-Morris, Judith and Zeitlin, Maurice. "Left Out: Reds and America’s Industrial Unions." New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002. ISBN 0521792126] The NLWA approved the merger during its 5th National Convention in Boston, Massachusetts, April 29 to May 2, and the IFWU approved the merger at its annual convention in New York City on May 14. Ben Gold was elected the president of the newly amalgamated union, which adopted "International Fur and Leather Workers Union of the United States and Canada" (IFLWU)as its new name. ["Gold Heads C.I.O. Unit." "New York Times." May 15, 1939.] The new union maintained distinctly separate fur and leather divisions. Each division had its own executive board and conventions and maintained its own finances.]Gold was a staunch supporter of CIO President John L. Lewis. In 1940, when other left-wing unions challenged Lewis' handling of CIO finances, Gold defended him.
After the United States entered World War II, Gold proved an ardent patriot. As war approached, in November 1941, he led large rallies in New York City urging union members to buy war bonds. ["Fur Trade Holds Rally for Defense." "New York Times." November 11, 1941.] When the CIO advocated a no-strike pledge for all American unions, Gold wholeheartedly and strongly supported the pledge.
As the war came to an end, however, Gold began to press for major salary and benefit increases for IFLWU members. Refusing to break the union's no-strike pledge, Gold submitted the union's demands to the National War Labor Board in February 1944. ["Fur Workers Plan to Appeal to WLB." "New York Times." February 15, 1944.] The War Labor Board subsequently granted the union a minimal wage rise in line with its "Little Steel Formula," but granted it substantial fringe benefit increases and ordered employers to end seasonal layoffs. ["WLB Challenged By Fur Industry." "New York Times." April 29, 1944; "10,000 Furriers Hail WLB Panel Report Providing End for Seasonal Discharges." "New York Times." July 25, 1944.] The Board's order was vigorously opposed by employers, and Gold used the dispute as leverage to win a new collective bargaining agreement. The new agreement did not without a price, however, as Gold was forced to threaten to break his union's war-time pledge not to strike. ["Fur Trade Argues 'Right to Fire' Case." "New York Times." October 29, 1944; "Ask Fur Men to Obey WLB." "New York Times." November 29, 1944; "Fur Employers Vote to Fight Any Strike." "New York Times." December 12, 1944; "Furriers Approve Pact." "New York Times." May 23, 1945; "One Day Work Stoppage Voted." "New York Times." November 13, 1945.]
Gold also strongly advocated a third political party which would more strongly support unions and working-class Americans. Gold first backed a third-party candidate in 1947 when he asked former Vice President Henry A. Wallace to form a third party. ["Gold Asks 3d Party Be Led By Wallace." "New York Times." November 19, 1947.] In 1948, Soviet leaders ordered American communists to support the third party candidacy of Wallace against incumbent President Harry S. Truman,
Gold was a strong supporter of statehood for Israel. He was president of the Jewish Labor Committee in 1948. [Hahn, Peter L. "The Influence of Organized Labor on U.S. Policy Toward Israel, 1945-1967." In "Empire and Revolution: The United States and the Third World Since 1945." Peter L. Hahn and Mary Ann Heiss, eds. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University Press, 2000. ISBN 0814208568] In March 1948, Gold led a parade of 10,000 people in a parade and rally to support the emerging Jewish state. ["10,000 Communists and Left-Wing Labor Leaders Demonstrate For Israel." "New York Times." March 12, 1948; Feinberg, Alexander. "10,000 in Protest on Palestine Here." "New York Times." March 12, 1948.] When American recognition of Israel drew protests in April 1948, Gold defended the Truman administration's actions. ["30,000 Here Hold Palestine Rally." "New York Times." April 15, 1948.]
Communist purges
Gold was an active member in the Communist Party, and rose to important positions within its ranks by the late 1940s. He attended the Lenin Institute in Moscow (an institute of higher education which taught the works of Vladimir Lenin) for a short time during the winter of 1930-1931, and was a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party from 1936 to 1948.["Gold v. United States," 237 F.2d 764 (1956).] ][Cammer, Harold. "Taft-Hartley and the International Fur and Leather Workers Union." In "The Cold War Against Labor." Ann Fagan Ginger and David Christiano, eds. Berkeley, Calif.: Meiklejohn Civil Liberties Institute, 1987. ISBN 0913876208] ["Ex-Red Accused Gold." "Associated Press." February 25, 1954.] His commitment to the party was occasionally tested, but never broken. For example, in 1939, the American Communist Party endorsed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Gold initially walked out of a party meeting to express his dismay at the decision. He changed his mind a few days later, and followed the party line. [ [http://www3.washingtontimes.com/commentary/abeichman.htm Beichman, Arnold. "The Communist Who Couldn't." "Washington Times." March 25, 2007.] ] ]In the post-World War II period, relations between the CIO leadership and communists within its member unions deteriorated. The first sign of a break came in May 1946. CIO President Philip Murray sponsored a denouncing Communist Party interference in the affairs of the CIO. Gold voted to approve the resolution. When asked why, he allegedly replied, "I have no problem being a loyal American, that's all the resolution asks. We just don't agree on the Truman foreign policy. We'll work with anyone on legitimate union business. We can't worry about Jim Carey and Reuther. They have their axes to grind." [Quoted in Dolnick, Norman. "Packinghouse Workers Face the Cold War: A Memoir." " [Labor History (journal)|Labor History." Fall 1997.] ["Gold's Union Backs Murray Statement." "New York Times." May 21, 1946.] But when the CIO established a committee in November 1946 to purge the labor federation of communists and communist influence, Gold denounced the effort and said it would "destroy" the CIO. [Loftus, Joseph A. "CIO Committee to Attempt Purge of Communist Ties." "New York TImes." November 16, 1946; "Defends Reds in CIO." "New York Times." January 14, 1947.] In May 1947, CIO leaders met to discuss the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers, where locals representing thousands of members had recently disaffiliated due to the communist politics of the international union's leadership. CIO President Philip Murray proposed that the CIO run the international union for a time, but Gold and seven other communists voted against Murray's proposal. An outraged Murray declared, "Any man who goes into a shop ostensibly as the representative of the workers and then devotes his time to furthering the interest of the Communist Party is a goddamn traitor. I'm tired of defending Communists and I'm tired of hearing C.I.O. officials defend them. The time has come to kick them out wherever and whenever we find them."
The breach widened throughout 1947. The CIO was extremely supportive of President Truman,
The NLRB acted to aggressively enforce the provisions of the Taft-Hartley Act. Although the level of enforcement was not certain at first, many unions quickly filed the anti-communist affidavits. ["Enforcement Not Certain." "United Press International." August 26, 1947; Stark, Louis. "Anti-Red Affidavits Aid Labor, Denham Says as Two Unions File." "New York Times." August 26, 1947; Stark, Louis. "AFL, CIO Yielding on Oath Predicted." "New York Times." August 28, 1947.] Gold declared the affidavit and increasingly anti-communist atmosphere a threat to the survival of the IFLWU, ["Head of Fur Council Sees Threat to Union." "New York Times." November 18, 1947.] and sought contract language which would lock in employer recognition of the union if its leaders failed to sign the oath. ["Furriers Receive Unions' Demands." "New York Times." January 17, 1948.]
Political pressure on Gold also increased. Rep. John Parnell Thomas, chairman of the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), subpoenaed fur industry employers to testify before the committee about Gold's political beliefs. Their September 8, 1948, testimony blasted Gold for establishing a "dictatorship" within the union and ruining the fur industry through mass picketing and intimidation. [Trussell, C.P. "Furriers Say Reds Menace Industry." September 9, 1948; "Furrier Protests Mass Union Pickets." "New York Times." September 11, 1948.] HUAC then forced Gold to testify. ["To Study CIO Fur Union." "New York Times." September 5, 1948.] Gold denounced and denied the testimony of the employers, proudly declaring that he had been a member of the Communist Party for nearly a quarter century. [Trussell, C.P. "Fur Union Official Balks on 'Red' Tie." "New York Times." September 16, 1948; Trussell, C.P. "Fur Union Leader Proud He Is A Red." "New York Times." September 17, 1948.]
The CIO subsequently acted to expel Gold and the IFLWU. Over Gold's protests, the CIO expelled the Greater New York CIO Council, of which the IFLWU's Joint Council was a member, in November 1948. [Davies, Lawrence E. "New York Council Expelled by CIO As 'Slavish' to Reds." "New York Times." November 21, 1948.] Gold began fighting a drive at the national level of the CIO to expel all communist-led or communist-dominated unions. [Raskin, A.H. "Drive on Communists Gains Momentum in CIO." "New York Times." December 12, 1948; Loftus, Joseph A. "CIO Leaders Map Fight on Leftists." "New York Times." May 17, 1949.] The CIO censured Gold and nine other communists on its Executive Council in May 1949 for allowing the Communist Party to control their unions, [Loftus, Joseph A. "CIO CHiefs Censure Leftist Minority." "New York Times." May 18, 1949; Stark, Louis. "Murray Rejects Bridges' Proposal." "New York Times." October 30, 1949.] and he lost re-election to the CIO Executive Council in November 1949 as the federation's leaders purged itself of all communists. [Stark, Louis. "C.I.O. Starts Purge of Leftist Officers." "New York Times." November 5, 1949; Stark, Louis. "Ouster of Leftists Is Pressed By C.I.O." "New York Times," November 6, 1949.] A few days later, the New York State CIO banned communists from being members, and expelled Gold from that body as well. [Raskin, A.H. "State C.I.O. Votes Ban on Communists." "New York Times." November 17, 1949.]
The attacks on Gold's politics had collective bargaining consequences as well. In August 1949, a tanners' employers' association in Massachusetts refused to bargain with the IFLWU so long as Gold was president of the union, on the grounds that Gold was a communist. ["Tanners' Group Bars 'A Union Led By Reds'." "New York Times." August 18, 1949.] The labor dispute with the tanners escalated in late 1949 (leading to some limited violence and vandalism), ["Stones Fly in Union Rift." "New York Times." December 28, 1949.] before a new contract was signed in January 1950. ["'Red' Union Barred From Labor Voting." "New York Times." November 24, 1949; "Peetz-M'Kay Resumes." "New York Times." January 4, 1950.]
These pressures took a considerable toll on Gold and the IFLWU. Gold told delegates to the union's convention in May 1950 that the communist political views of the union's leadership could cause the organization much difficulty, ["Gold Warns Union of 'Difficulties'." "New York Times." May 22, 1950.] yet he also defied the CIO and urged a united union front rather than caving in to redbaiting political pressure. ["Fur Union Board Scores C.I.O. Chiefs." "New York Times." May 23, 1950.]
Nonetheless, the IFLWU agreed to order its leadership to sign the Taft-Hartley Act's non-communist affidavits. ["Fur Union to Accept Noncommunist Oath." "New York Times." May 25, 1950.]
Trial for communist beliefs
Gold resigned from the Communist Party on August 24, 1950,
At trial, Gold was charged with three counts of perjury. He was accused of continuing to be a member of the Communist Party; accused of being affiliated with Communist party; and accused of being a supporter of an organization which advocated the overthrow of the United States government by force, illegal means, or unconstitutional methods.
Gold appealed, and his conviction was overturned by the Supreme Court of the United States. Gold raised six grounds for reversal: 1) The trial court refused to apply the rules of evidence for perjury to the case; 2) The circumstantial evidence offered at trial was not sufficient to convict him under the rules of evidence; 3) The trial court's instructions to the jury regarding the definition of "support" were unsupported by law or common usage; 4) The trial court erred in permitting expert testimony regarding his resignation (e.g., the fact of his resignation was a matter for the jury, not expert witnesses, to decide); 5) Government employees on the grand and petit juries were biased (as they themselves had to take an anti-communist oath to retain their jobs); and 6) Law enforcement officers discussed anti-communist oaths with members of the jury while investigating an unrelated case.["Gold v. United States," 352 U.S. 985 (1957).] ["Ben Gold Gets A Hearing." "New York Times." January 13, 1956.] An FBI agent, investigating another case in which falsity of a non-Communist affidavit was at issue, telephoned or visited three members of the Gold jury or their families during Gold's trial.]Although the government initially expressed interest in prosecuting Gold further, all charges against him were dropped in May 1957. ["New Gold Trial Set." "New York Times." March 19, 1957; "U.S. Abandons Case Against Ben Gold." "New York Times." May 10, 1957.]
Aftereffects of the Gold trials
Gold's indictment and conviction led to two other U.S. Supreme Court cases as well.
The first case was a major test of the National Labor Relations Board's (NLRB) enforcement of the Taft-Hartley Act. In 1951, Lannom Manufacturing Co. refused to honor its contract with the International Fur and Leather Workers Union on the grounds that the union's officers had lied when making their Taft-Hartley anti-communist oaths. ["Meat Cutters v. NLRB," 352 U.S. 153 (1956).]
The second case led to a landmark Supreme Court ruling on whether an attorney was an "officer of the court." After the grand jury had indicted Gold for perjury, Harold Cammer (an attorney noted for representing communists in the United States), took Gold's case. Within two days, Cammer mailed a letter and questionnaire to all members of the grand jury who were employees of the federal government. He told the grand jurors that he was Gold's attorney and that he was trying to learn the effect of the federal government's loyalty program on federal employees. ["Cammer v. United States," 350 U.S. 399 (1956), 399-400.] Cammer undertook this action because of developments in another Taft-Hartley anti-communist oath case. In "Emspak v. United States," 203 F.2d 54 (1952), the Justice Department convinced a district court that grand jurors who were federal employee were not biased. In particular, the government had argued that "there is not the slightest indication in the long motion and offer of proof that an attempt has been made to interview a single one of the persons." ["Cammer v. United States," 350 U.S. 399 (1956), 402, quoting Government's Reply Brief in "Emspak v. United States," 203 F.2d 54 (1952). The Supreme Court had previously held in "Dennis v. United States," 339 U.S. 162 (1950), 171-172, that "Preservation of the opportunity to prove actual bias is a guarantee of a defendant's right to an impartial jury."] To prevent the government from making a similar claim in the Gold case, Cammer polled the jury. The "Contempt Act of March 2, 1831" (4 Stat. 487) gave federal courts the authority to penalize officers of the court for misbehavior. ["Cammer v. United States," 350 U.S. 399 (1956), 403.] For questioning the grand jurors, the district court found Cammer guilty of contempt and fined him $100. ["Cammer v. United States," 350 U.S. 399 (1956), 400.] ["Gold's Lawyer Fined." "New York Times." June 16, 1954.] Cammer appealed. The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals upheld his conviction. ["Cammer v. United States," 223 F.2d 322 (1955).] ["Ben Gold's Lawyer Loses on Contempt." "Associated Press." May 6, 1955.] Cammer appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which granted certiorari. In a landmark ruling, [Doyle, Charles. "Obstruction of Justice: An Overview of Some of the Federal Statutes that Prohibit Interference with Judicial, Executive, or Legislative Activities." CRS Report RL34303. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Research Service, December 27, 2007.] a unanimous Supreme Court overturned Cammer's contempt citation, holding that a lawyer is not a court "officer" in the same category as marshals, bailiffs, court clerks or judges. ["Cammer v. United States," 350 U.S. 399 (1956), 399-400.] The district court erred in subjecting Cammer to summary punishment, the Supreme Court concluded, and the high court order the contempt ruling reversed. ["Cammer v. United States," 350 U.S. 399 (1956), 407-408.] ["High Court Voids Contempt Charge." "New York Times." March 13, 1956.]
Merger with the Meat Cutters and retirement
Gold was re-elected as IFLWU president in May 1954 despite his conviction for perjury. ["Union Re-Elects Gold." "New York Times." May 9, 1954.] But the problems created by the Taft-Hartley Act, expulsion from the CIO, and prosecutions of the IFLWU's top leadership led Gold to seek merger with another union to strengthen the union's finances and collective bargaining power. A month after his re-election, Gold announced that he was discussing merger with the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen of North America, a labor union affiliated with the AFL that represented retail butchers and packinghouse workers. ["Union Merger Discussed." "New York Times." June 12, 1954.] AFL leaders, however, expressed strong reservation against bringing the "Red-led" union into the federation. [Raskin, A.H. "A.F.L. Leaders Cool to Furriers' Union." "New York Times." June 14, 1954.]
Although the merger talks had moved forward aggressively, Ben Gold retired as IFLWU president on October 3, 1954, in order to remove AFL objections to the merger. ["Ben Gold Resigns As Fur Union Head." "Associated Press." October 3, 1954.]
Gold's resignation at age 56 provide crucial in winning AFL approval for the merger. A new effort to merge the IFLWU and Meat Cutters began the day after his retirement. ["A.F.L. Cool to Hints Fur Union May Join." "New York Times." October 4, 1954.] Eventually, the merger was consummated in 1955 after the AFL announced it would bar the IFLWU from joining the federation directly but not from merging with an AFL affiliate. ["Fur Union Merger Is Reported Near." "New York Times." November 20, 1954; "A.F.L. Bars Entry for Fur Workers." "New York Times." December 16, 1954; Raskin, A.H. "Fur Union Trying to End Red Taint." "New York Times." January 3, 1955; "Fur Union Moves to A.F.L. Merger." "New York Times." January 23, 1955; Raskin, A.H. "Fur Union Seeking A.F.L. Entry Again." "New York Times." January 30, 1955; "Fur Union Shifts A.F.L. Entry Plan." "New York Times." February 1, 1955; Raskin, A.H. "A.F.L. Union Faces Expulsion Threat." "New York Times." February 5, 1955; "Meat Cutters Defy A. F. L." "New York Times." February 18, 1955; "Furriers Merge In Spite of A.F.L." "New York Times." February 23, 1955.] The fur workers' division underwent additional purges of communist leaders and members after the merger. [Raskin, A.H. "Leftist Fur Union Undergoes Purge." "New York Times." March 27, 1955; Loftus, Joseph A. "A.F.L. Tells Union to Push Red Fight." "New York Times." May 4, 1955.]
Ben Gold spent the rest of his life in Florida. He published his memoirs in 1984. [Gold, Ben. "Memoirs." New York: W. Howard, 1984. ISBN 0961428805] He died in July 1985 at his home in North Miami Beach, Florida.
Political career
At the height of his career as a labor leader, Gold resided in The Bronx, where he ran unsuccessfully for judge in 1928; he received one of the lowest vote-totals in the history of New York state judicial elections.fact|date=April 2008 He ran for the New York State Assembly in 1931 and 1936, and for president of the New York City Board of Aldermen in 1933. [Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws. Committee on the Judiciary. United States Senate. "Guide to Communist Tactics Among The Unemployed: A Staff Study Prepared for the Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws of the Committee on the Judiciary." 87th Cong, 1 sess. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1961.] He also ran for justice of the New York Supreme Court in 1932.fact|date=April 2008 All of his campaigns were on the American Labor Party ticket,fact|date=April 2008 and all failed.
In literature
Throughout his life, Gold wrote short stories in Yiddish that often dealt with labor relations and Jewish immigrants. His 1944 novel "Avreml Broide" included illustrations by fellow communist William Gropper. [Gold, Ben. "Avreml Broide." New York: Prompt Press, 1944.] In 1948, he wrote "Mentshn", published by the Needle Trades Workers Committee. [Gold, Ben. "Mentshn." New York: Nodl treyds arbeter-komitet, 1948.] His last work of fiction was "The Storm in Riverville," published in 1972. It is a semi-fictional account of garment workers in the 1920s, their fight against organized crime, and their attempt to win a 40-hour work week. [Gold, Ben. "The Storm in Riverville." New York: Ben Gold Book Committee, 1973.]
Gold himself appears as a character in the fiction novel "Union Square." The book, published in 2001, is about two Russian Jewish families—one Marxist, the other socialist—who are forced by pogroms to flee to the United States. Sarah Levy, one of the most prominent characters in the novel, meets a slightly fictionalized Ben Gold in her attempt to unionize women garment workers in New York City. [Tax, Meredith. "Union Square." Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press, 2001. ISBN 0252070313]
Gold also appears as a character in the stage play "I'm Not Rappaport." Actor Ron Rifkin played Gold in the film version of the play. [Arnold, Gary. "'Rappaport' A Grumpy Old Flick." "Washington Times," January 1997.]
References
External links
* [http://www.fbi.gov/libref/historic/famcases/furdress/furdress.htm Famous Cases: The Fur Dressers Case. FBI History. Federal Bureau of Investigation. U.S. Department of Justice.]
* [http://rmc.library.cornell.edu/EAD/htmldocs/KCL05676.html Guide to the International Fur and Leather Workers' Union. Records, 1913-1955. Collection Number: 5676. Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation and Archives, Cornell University Library, Cornell University]
Источник: Ben Gold
